Rape a Girl, Glorify ZANU PF – and All Shall be Added unto You Son of the Soil!

It’s election season. The strangest of moves from politicians especially ZANU PF will be the order of the day till 23 August.

On 6 August, it was reported on social media that Bobby Makaza, an ex-rape convict had been promised a house by Deputy Sports Minister Tinomuda Machakaire. Additionally, Bobby Makaza was allegedly given US$700 to get him a new stab at life. Makaza was sentenced to 16 years in prison by a Murewa magistrate in 2019 after raping a 10-year-old girl a year earlier. He was released under a Presidential Pardon after serving only three years of his sentence. After all the outcries and a petition to the High Court by lawyers standing for the parents of the 10-year-old girl who was raped, ZANU PF continues to seemingly rub salt in the wounds of those aggrieved – first by the unlawful pardon and then the pampering of the ex-convict.

Why is ZANU PF doing this?

ED pardoned this rapist and many others. His supporters argue that he has the power to pardon and can use it the way he wants. There was a backlash but the move could not be reversed. It is not as if ED or his handlers do not know that what he did was not received well. Any reversal of this amnesty could portray ED as a weakling so they trudge and ignore the cries from the public. Now for Deputy Sports Minister Tinomudaishe Machakaire, he is campaigning and must show loyalty to his boss (Mr Huchi) at any cost. So here, he has made a bold move if it is true, he has promised the rapist a house and given him 700 USD – almost 4 months’ salary for an ordinary civil servant.

The Leader is always right and must be supported.

The Deputy Minister is showing loyalty to his boss at two levels. (i) He must show that he supports Murambwi’s policy action to pardon the rapist. In any case who would dare oppose the President  and then (ii) he is feigning naivety and will defend his move as CORRECTIONAL CLEMENCY. Murambwi pardoned the rapist, The Deputy Minister is correcting and resuscitating a destitute man who after being shown love could probably be reformed. To the simpleton this makes sense. To the reformer who advocates for correctional and prisoners reform this could be applauded.

The  Deputy Minister has made a clever move that certainly appeals to the weak minded and politically naïve generality of the populace.

How does ZANU PF benefit from all this?

The message here is that ZANU IS A CARING PARTY – and that message appeals to a target and prime audience, in this case, the Vapostori. It also appeals to so many old and young men in the rural areas who are having sexual intercourse with underage girls.

One just needs to look at the numbers of Vapostori groups that support ED or do so through regalia, posters etc. under the #Vapostori4ED mantra. This is a huge constituency and vote base for ED and ZANU PF.

Anyway, ZANU PF is party that makes patriarchal laws for its old rich leaders.

ZANU PF has in the past and now made laws for big old pot-bellied rich man who form the bulk of their leadership and are in the habit of sleeping with minors. It is a “culture” that is pervasive and condoned through impunity by way of negotiations with the girls’ families. ZANU PF is not about to send the wrong signals to its client and leadership base.

No one must ever be fooled into thinking or believing that ZANU PF will make laws that will make anyone outside their support or leadership base happy. Government policy is what a government chooses to do or not to do, so they say. ZANU PF is showing Zimbabweans that what matters most to them is votes at any cost.

Someone will have to whisper into the President’s ears that he has a legacy to build and a name to keep as the leader of the so called Second Revolution. Jumping around arrogantly with ex-convicts and rapists will just not cut it. “That’s NOt IT!

Nkosana Moyo in Zimbabwe’s Politics of Opposition: The Pigeon thrown among the cats!

On 29 June 2017, Nkosana Moyo launched his bid for Zimbabwe’s Presidency thus throwing himself into the fray of opposition politics in Zimbabwe. His pitch and tone is that of a person who has really thought about this new journey and is ready to stand in the ring with Robert Mugabe as one seeking to defend his tenure and on the other side the opposition political parties calling him all sorts of names for being allegedly divisive and potentially splitting the vote against Mugabe. Well, some have called him an opportunist who is after the fame and glory of being a presidential aspirant in Zimbabwe. Others have accused him of either being too delusional or overconfident to think he can snatch the presidency from Mugabe. Yet others have accused him of wanting to siphon the millions of hard cash that come in from donors whenever election time is around the corner. Call him whatever they want, I think the guy although very brave, well qualified and all, he is at this juncture almost turning the old idiom “throwing a cat among the pigeons” upside down and he himself can be characterized more as “A PIGEON THROWN AMONG THE CATS”. Pigeons are not known to scare cats and neither are cats known to fear pigeons. I say this for several reasons which I will discuss below, save to just say that this guy has no chance whatsoever against Robert Mugabe in the 2018 elections, unless he is in this time just to test the waters for another chance after Mugabe is gone.

Nkosana is like a pigeon thrown among the cats for now because I do not think that he can turn the tables against Mugabe in next year’s elections. It is not possible! It cannot be done. It’s already water under the bridge. Give or take the rigging allegations by Mugabe’s party, I do not think that Nkosana necessarily has and will be able to build the connection that is needed with the almost resigned Zimbabwean voter at this moment. Mugabe knows god willing that if his batteries do not run out, he will be the President of Zimbabwe after the 2018 elections.

That Nkosana has chosen to run for the Presidency as an independent candidate is most laudable. In the current politics of Zimbabwe where politicians continue to be recycled offering no new ideas, it is better to have something and someone new: –  Anything! The opposition in Zimbabwe is failing to understand the simple logic that you cannot continue knocking one’s head against the wall. Others must be given a chance where your strategies have failed. Alas, all you hear is that “nzizi dzese dzinoyerera dzichipinda muna Save”. Fair and fine. If that is the case, Nkosana go it all alone! – all the way and do not even turn your back to any whistles! (usacheuke miridzo). That Nkosana, this pigeon who has stirred the dirty waters of Zimbabwe’s opposition politics will be derided and thrown of course by the opposition is in no doubt. The opposition in Zimbabwe has the masses. It will be more than difficult for him to convince die hard supporters of the MDC or any other opposition force to ditch their parties for him. All the same, the politics that Nkosana has played here by refusing to join any umbrella is most welcome. The fallacy that Mugabe can only be defeated by a large umbrella of political parties is now tired. It would be better to have a Mugabe with his two VPs than to have a whole bunch of hooligans in suits calling themselves the new government fighting and dishing out nonexistent posts in government all because they contributed to Mugabe’s ouster at the ballot.

Another point that Zimbabwe would want to know is the who, what, when, how and why of Nkosana’s politics. That he has this pigeon label on him is in no doubt. The masses will look at him and feel that he is just trying his shot at a game he cannot win. For instance, without knowing those people who are standing with him (besides Fadzayi Mahere), without knowing who his family is, without knowing who is funding his activities, without knowing his ideas and recruitment bases (young people, farmers, old people, workers etc.) it will be difficult for this pigeon to scatter the cats that are already sitting in the ring for the 2018 Presidential elections.

For Nkosana to want to run as an Independent presidential candidate he must have thought well about the fact that even if he were to win he would not have a majority in Parliament. He would not be able to form or run any government as it were. The trick could be that he wants to avoid infiltration through political party structures by the CIO. Good move, but in the end, it will not lead Zimbabweans anywhere. Therefore, Nkosana needs to lay his cards on the table. The years when politicians would tell voters that just vote me in and you will see what I will do are long gone. He must make it clear how will pass and skip past such hurdles first. Zimbabwe must know what he is selling and if it can be bought. Otherwise he will remain in my eyes a pigeon thrown among the cats.

That Nkosana has stood up to challenge his yester-year boss when he was Industry and International Trade Minister is laudable. But so many have taken this path and not gone anywhere with their projects. Edgar Tekere, Simba Makoni, Joyce Mujuru just to name a few struggled and their projects suffered still births. Nkosana needs to convince Zimbabweans by showing us that he has a plan that will work. To just say that he will be able to change Zimbabwe’s politics is not good enough. The issues are very contentious. Thus, for anyone to come and say that when we return to the rule of law all will be well is not good enough. Others see a return to this rule of law as bequeathing power to our erstwhile colonizers. Others think that a return to this “rule of law” will be the end of ZANU PF and a chance to reverse ZANU PF’s policies around land reform and natural resources empowerment. The questions are daunting. Nkosana must be able to stand up and share his vision with more vigor and have a national presence. Otherwise Mugabe will have the last laugh saying that Nkosana ran away only to come back to run away again. Otherwise known as a pigeon thrown among the cats.

 

Islamic fundamentalism is not JUST any other African problem!

So the past month has been awash with comments on the abducted 276 Nigerian Chibok girls and the ever increasing terrorist attacks in Kenya. These attacks have been carried out by two notorious groups connected to the Al Qaeda: the Al Shabbab outfit based in Somalia and the Boko Haram based in Northern Nigeria. The attacks and abductions have been merciless and vile to say the least. Presidents Uhuru Kenyatta and Goodluck Jonathan have been criticized left right and center by citizens and other observers who argue that they can do more to end these attacks and improve security in Kenya and Nigeria. President Jonathan was further criticized in the media for attending the security Summit called for by Francois Hollande in France instead of visiting Chibok. While the two Presidents can be found wanting in other areas, I contend that these two Presidents are hamstrung and the best they can do for now is align more with the West to get assistance in the form of weapons, intelligence and finances to fend off these groups.

The visit by Goodluck Jonathan to France to meet with the EU countries and the neighboring African Presidents was necessary. It is a clear fact that these African countries do not have the necessary human resources to collect vital intelligence to fend off these Islamist groups. By visiting the Northern city of Chibok, the President of Nigeria would have just paid a solidarity which would not have achieved much except to raise the villagers’ expectations for nothing.

America, UK and France including the rest of the EU have significant knowledge of the operations of these Islamist groups from years of sophisticated intelligence gathering. The West also has the financial and military resources to alleviate this crisis that seems to be slowly engulfing Africa. It will not pay for any African to continue clamoring for African solutions to African problems in this instance – Islamist fundamentalism is not an African problem per se. What is happening in Kenya and Nigeria is a mere shifting of battlefields from the West to Africa by the Islamic militants.

A clear mapping exercise will reveal that most of the attacks that have occurred in Kenya and Nigeria started as targeting European, American and Jewish interests in Africa. Talk about the 2013 Westgate attack in Nairobi, talk about the 2011 UN suicide bombings in Nigeria and many more. That these groups are now attacking local citizens such as the poor girls in Chibok and Kenyans on public transport and vegetable markets in Nairobi are just sick diversionary tactics. Their main goal is to score major victories on the UN compound and the US Embassy in Nairobi. What they are looking for is a score like they made in Libya when they killed the US Ambassador Chris Stevens. In Nigeria clearly they want to instill fear in the government by invoking religious feuds so that they can have their way in the economic and political structures of the country. Al Shabbab would definitely want to rile Kenyan citizens and push for the withdrawal of the KDF from Somalia. This is unrealistic and has to be opposed with all might by the African Union and the UN.

Enter the West’s hypocrisy

Due to the might of their intelligence gathering mechanisms the West has managed to bolster security measures in their own backyards and their interests in Nigeria and Kenya. Recently travel bans were issued in Kenya and even evacuations back to the UK and America for citizens on holiday from Kenya. While there is nothing wrong in the West protecting its citizens, one can also understand the frustrations of the Kenyan and Nigerian governments that the West is now playing into the hands of the Islamist groups and also fuelling the platforms for these groups to continue with their terror activities. For instance, when the American, British or Israeli intelligence officers acquire credible information, do they share it with the Kenyan government to apprehend the suspects? The West has been found wanting in this instance because just in the same week the Chinese Premier was in Nairobi, threats for the attacks spiralled to unprecedented levels in Kenya. Of course everyone knows that the Chinese are bringing loads of investments into East and West Africa and the West is lagging behind. Al Shabbab and Boko Haram are fully aware of these dynamics and they want to sow seeds of fear and uncertainty in the countries. The West therefore cannot condone this by sitting on information and not assisting the two governments on the basis that they want to appease their egos over their geo political and economic fights with China.

So what should Africa do?

The arguments raised by Goodluck Jonathan that he could not visit Chibok because of security fears were justified. Some years ago, I saw live on TV Al Qaeda militants attacking Hamid Karzai whilst he addressed a rally. What will stop these Boko Haram militias from doing so in Nigeria? All the same, the situation raises questions on what the Nigerian government is doing enough to secure such vulnerable areas as Chibok – citizens who vote and pay taxes live there daily and they need protection. To argue that government officials will not go there because of insecurity will not hold water forever.

More importantly, the two governments of Kenya and Nigeria need to review their government systems. Corrupt Kenyan Immigration officers allegedly continue selling travel documents to many Somali young people linked to Al Shabbab. Nigerian borders are so porous that terrorists find it so easy to move between Chad, Benin and Cameroon. The police and military services need to be strengthened and more collaboration established between the different African countries.

The African solution to some of these problems will NOT come from the Kenyan government attacking each and every Somali national they bump into in Mombasa and Nairobi. In the same manner extrajudicial shootings of suspected Boko Haram suspects will not end the attacks in Nigeria. What are needed are more robust intelligence gathering mechanisms by the two countries working in tandem with the Western countries. The Kenyan and Nigerian nationals especially religious and community elders who live amongst some of these rogue elements in Al Shabbab and Boko Haram need to play an active role.  They also need to help the authorities and not continue to be quiet while the two countries burn from economic stagnation, stigmatization and more deaths and misery.

In the end one will find that although not appealing and looking strategic in the eyes of the African, President Goodluck Jonathan needed to go to France and consult with his fellow African statesmen just to get things moving. There is no point asking 3 or 4 besieged and clueless African Presidents to meet in Africa to find African solutions to a perceived African problem when we know clearly that the problem is not African per se. The African countries whether by omission or commission do not have the financial wherewithal and the necessary intelligence gathering technics to tackle such problems.and the Western countries need to know that no amount of travel bans to African countries will end terrorism. They must not mix up their long held battles with China and Kenya and lump them up with the terrorism problems Africa is facing.

After all is said and done, Goodluck Jonathan went to France and came back with threats to annihilate Boko Haram from the face of the earth. How about a report back to ECOWAS or to your African brothers in Addis Ababba, Mr Goodluck on this unAfrican problem?

Of Zimbabwe’s armed robberies, Government propaganda and distracting the public from the real Robbery – that is the plunder of state resources

In a country where:

• One can pass the airport with 6KGs of gold in a handbag and still argue that they carried the wrong handbag.
• Where military people can be accused of buying million-dollar homes and rent them out to the state without shame and consequence.
• Where millions of Covid funds can be plundered and no one is held accountable.
• Where hoodlums can plunder a whole power generating company and still be able to win the cases in court.
• Where ‘white collar crime’ is celebrated as “being connected; entrepreneurial and innovative.”
• Where a whole judiciary and prosecution can implement “catch and release policies” without shame.
• Where senior government officials plunder resources through junkets, tenders and no one can raise a finger.
• Where tenderpreneuring criminals dressed in suits are acquitted because of lack of evidence.

One would wonder how then it is possible that cases of armed robbers who conduct such heinous activities can be caught within hours of committing the crime and the same investigators cannot catch the ones plundering taxpayers money.

It is because:

• The money is theirs and they cannot fathom even losing a cent to other rogue thieves (matsotsi haagerane). Whatever modicum of industry is there in Zimbabwe is owned by them and thus the money is theirs.
• The idea of propagating propaganda that they are there for the people and the country is secure is in full swing. There is a desperate bid to show the people that they are in charge. There is an armed robbery, you give chase, shoot and kill the accused and the citizenry claps for you. This is what the people want to hear and see. The authorities are powerful but this power is only useful to them because they do not want to lose their money. It will seem as if they are doing it for the people but it is for their own good. The BENEVOLENT DICTATOR strategy is in full swing here.
• The idea is to instill fear in the citizen. Instill so much fear in the people that BIG BROTHER is watching all the time and has so much force that no one can think of committing crimes against them. This explains the extrajudicial killings of the robbers etc. No one condones crime especially terrorist like armed robberies like the one sin SA but the way it is done on this side leaves a lot of questions to be answered. One could even go further to ask whether these people who are robbing and the ones that then catch them, do not know each other. It is a joke.
• For a government that is willfully destroying the education system, they know that crime and violent crime is inevitable. Thus, the need to fight back – but for how long this can continue as a strategy to fight crime is not known.

So let us not fool each other through this propaganda in the state media that the nation and state is secure and that it is fighting crime to maintain order in the country. The real robberies that need to be fought are the ones being committed in the mining, wildlife and natural resources sectors including the public services such as health, education, water, roads by people who are related and known to the State and its handlers. With a fair distribution of resources, a proper function of the banks, removal of arbitrage with forex reserves and other vile state assisted machinations, one can bet that these robberies will be a thing of the past.

All this preying on the gullibility of a hungry and desperate citizen is just a puerile misreading, misunderstanding and wrong application of Machiavelli’s tactics by the People of the People.

Chamisa’s Strategic Ambiguity Vs Tshabangu’s Lawfare: Whose side is GOD on?

The past few weeks have been pregnant with intrigues from the chaos in the CCC. The CCC’s main supporters aligned to Nelson Chamisa allege foul play from “perceived” enemies of the struggle who are using Sengezo Tshabangu as their forward man apparently with aid from ZANU PF. There are even worse allegations that Tendai Biti and Welshman Ncube could be having a hand in it, although TB has refuted this. On the other hand, the few known keyboard warriors siding with Sengezo Tshabangu, the so-called Interim SG of the CCC, allege that Chamisa’s sans constitution CCC is unacceptable. Tshabangu or not, this current situation was bound to happen. That the party is now imploding puts to the test Chamisa’s Strategic Ambiguity doctrine and questions whether “God is In It after All” when pitted against even the most rudimentary of basic legal challenges like the one by the now infamous Tshabangu.

The last court case in which the High Court Judge Munamato Mutevedzi confirmed the dismissal of the sacked MPs was instructive. While the judge was seemingly on the offensive against the CCC and the CCC itself lamented that the High Court had passed a “biased judgement,” it must be appreciated that any right-thinking person would have asked the same questions posed by the judge. The contention here is that Tshabangu is not the problem. The problem lies within the Strategic Ambiguity doctrine of the CCC.

Of the useless and inadmissible Chamisa letters

The leader of the CCC having produced a not so brilliant doctrine coined Strategic Ambiguity to run the CCC without a constitution and subsequently structures knew in the back of his mind a “Tshabangu” attack was always going to lurk in the wood works. That letter written to the Parliament of Zimbabwe reportedly by Chamisa on 11 September 2023 is proof that he and his party were always scared and knew something like this would happen. The evidence is there for everyone to see.

How does a whole political party ignore basic principles of government bureaucracy?

The HC judge then went on to deal a blow to the whole Strategic Ambiguity doctrine with a simple question. The Judge asked that if there was any seriousness to the alleged Chamisa letter, why was it then delivered to Parliament on 5 October, 2 days after Tshabangu’s court case had been filed. If this was not a clutching at straws – knee jerk strategy hoping on the Gods to do some miracle then i do not know what it was. That the judge said the letters purportedly from Chamisa were useless and inadmissible in the case is also instructive.

That the people in the CCC tried to run with the dismissed Chamisa letter and purport that it had been delivered before the court case reveals an obvious lack of knowledge of how governance systems work. Parliament has a simple method of receiving and dispatching correspondence. The fact that the CCC did not realize that they could be caught pants down on such a simple matter reveals characters who are rash, carefree and simplistic in their thinking and strategizing. It is embarrassing even. For a shadow Government, this display of incompetence and lack of understanding of basic administrative procedures is unparalleled.

So, the Senate President is now a by–the-way kind of institution that you carbon copy communications?

The next issue raised by the Judge was the fact that the same alleged letter written to Parliament was carbon copied to the President of the Senate. It was as if the two bodies are one and the other has influence and leverage on the other and yet they operate for one good but separately. The CCC strategists did not see this simple matter as important in their fight against Thsabangu or any lawfare potentially waged by anyone against them.

The judge was explicit with his sharp tongue and pen and noted that the whole defense demonstrated ‘tardiness’. It would not be remiss for one to attribute “the tardiness” to an overall tardy ethic on the whole Strategic Ambiguity doctrine.

One who wants to govern a country cannot do so without exhibiting expertise in managing his own party.

The big question that has been asked by many since the whole Strategic Ambiguity doctrine started was how it is possible that a serious political party vying to run a whole country cannot govern itself by a constitution. The whole defense made by the CCC that part of it was to fend off infiltration by supposed ruling party and intelligence operatives is neither here nor there. While the allegations could be true, the idea smacks of a primitive way of dealing with challenges. If one cannot trust one’s own systems in a political party how much more would they be able to defend such attacks at a national level. It is unheard of and does not make sense.

Using ZANU PF as a scapegoat for one’s own internal struggles.

The judge even had some advice to give to Chamisa and the CCC. Some will argue that it was not solicited and thus unnecessary but what is important is the trend whereby the CCC keeps wanting to see ghosts in other people but failing to introspect or even acknowledge that their strategy is full of open holes that can be accused by any Tshabangu.

In hindsight, one would not be far from the truth in pointing out that perhaps Chamisa lacked a clear strategy to deal with internal party dynamics and power struggles and this is what motivated the formation of the structureless and sans constitution CCC leading to the disaster of recalls now personified by Tshabangu.

The recalls are not a new phenomenon with this lot, so why are they not learning?

The Judge went on to ask whether the CCC party and its leader had learned any lessons from the past recall cases. He adduced that the cases had not made him and his party any wiser. None of the Judge’s business really but the point was made, nevertheless. For example, after writing to Parliament, the CCC could not show any correspondence that had been directed to him from Parliament acknowledging that he was the leader of the CCC.

Unbridled deference to a Political Man of God or the beginning of Cultism in the CCC?

The Tshabangu case also revealed a cohort of CCC officials who exhibited unbridled deference to Chamisa without questioning a lot of issues. Among all the sacked MPs none of them saw any problems with the letters and that their strength in court even a kangaroo one would be weak. The lawyers who represented the CCC did not see or question this. It would be a tragedy of unmeasured proportions if Chamisa wanted to take the position on this path of unquestioned policies and decisions. Among other prominent opposition leaders, Tendai Biti has noted this and argued that he has “challenges and reservations about our identity, structural, strategic and procedural polity.” Let those who have ears hear this indictment on Chamisa’s disastrous Strategic Ambiguity doctrine.

The idea of seeing shadows and enemies in everyone will not work.

Another point made by the Judge was that in the end, the CCC noted that they did not have any cause of acting against the ZEC or Parliament. One would then wonder if in the capricious nature of the Strategic Ambiguity doctrine and its deployment, the recalled CCC MPs and their lawyers all got blinded and saw imaginary enemies in a bambazonke fashion. This cannot be right. To make matters worse, the uncalled-for insults and use of inflammatory language in the court challenge was hilarious at the least and at most comical, exhibiting some level of political and legal immaturity in the end. The Judge even called the disparaging lingo “infantile”. Anyway, so much of that.

Tshabangu or not – this implosion was inevitable because of the vacuous nature of the Strategic Ambiguity doctrine.

At the end of the day, one must grapple with the fact that the Tshabangu debacle was going to unravel in the CCC with or without Tshabangu. It is also important to note that the idea of continuously wanting to blame ZANU PF for all the mishaps in the CCC is rather too pedestrian and does not hold water. Furthermore, the almost crazy pronouncements that the CCC does not know Tshabangu are preposterous and an attempt to take people for fools. The strategic blunders made at Chamisa’s level, the CCC’S defense team and the parties to the legal case also exhibit wild hallucinatory behavior of people who want to cry wolf and play victim at every turn. That the same party runs to the courts which they allege are captured to deal with their legal issues shows a confused entity. To argue post facto that they knew such a decision would be given also shows insincere behavior.

Strategic Ambiguity is akin to multiplying a whole number by zero and the answer is zero.

The CCC and Chamisa need to come to a reckoning that through the Strategic Ambiguity doctrine they gave birth to the Tshabangu phenomenon. If not this Tshabangu, another one will still come out of the cracks. The supposed infiltration that they tried so dismally to forestall or prevent is within the party now. In any normal society, such poor strategies would have seen heads rolling. However, because this is Zimbabwe, no one wants to hold anybody accountable and thus we say aluta continua.

The Gods cannot be in such a Strategically Ambiguous cause. It cannot happen. The law of Tshabangu has set the precedence of chaos and it shall be so for the next 5 years of this Parliament, Local Government and Senate.

Zimbabwe needs an opposition and ruling political party that articulates issues of “constitutionalism, the rule of law, transparency, openness and collective leadership” as Tendai Biti notes in his letter. There is nothing strategic or ambiguous or strategically ambiguous about not having a party constitution or a clear leadership structure in a political party. Either you are strategic or you are ambiguous and those two things are worlds apart. Any attempt to bring the two concepts together especially in the case of the issues raised against the CCC and Chamisa is akin to multiplying any number by zero. That is basic mathematics.

The Bulawayo CCC High Court judgement – a case of obsolete legalism and pyrrhic victories in Zimbabwe’s August 2023 elections

The current debate in Zimbabwe over the 27 July High Court ruling in Bulawayo barring CCC candidates from standing for election in the 23 August plebiscite because they missed the 16:00HRS nomination court deadline rages with all manner of interpretations. What is clear though is that while ZANU PF supporters are celebrating this technical victory and the CCC candidates plot to counter ZANU PF, it is Zimbabwe and its citizens that will emerge as the ultimate losers come election day. The judiciary as well as the ZANU PF party is missing a chance at guaranteeing Zimbabwe’s peace, security and enhancing democracy by this judgement which is overly legalistic and devoid of political praxis.

Is the High Court court even sure the 16:00HRS deadline was “missed”?

The argument that the CCC candidates missed a 16:00HRS cut off deadline is clear at law. However, questions must be asked how the High Court was able to determine the “lateness” of the CCC candidates in submitting their nomination papers. An easy to determine case would be if the CCC candidates strutted or scurried into the Nomination Court proceedings even a minute past 16:00HRS. In that case, the case would have been fait accompli.

The administrative questions on how the Nomination Court conducted its business on that fateful day does not become immediately clear. The High Court judgement could have provided its reasoning by carrying out a simple administrative test on the way the Nomination Court conducted itself on the nomination day. One question would have been to question if the CCC candidates were in queue or not for the submission of their nomination papers when the clock struck 16:00HRS. A second test could have been carried out by the High Court to determine if the Nomination Court had their staff at work and on time to serve the applicants. In addition, the High Court should have been able to prove that the Nomination Court’s system was so efficient that it was able to serve all the “customers” within the time they started until 16:00HRS. A calculation could also have been made on the number of candidates the Nomination Court served on that day and establish if it was mathematically possible to serve all of them by 16:00HRS.

There is precedence in Zimbabwe’s electoral system that even on election day if there are still people queuing up after the 19:00HRS cut off time the Elections Officer can still decide that all the outstanding voters who were in the queue at the cut off time can still vote. Thus, in the same manner, if it can be proven that the CCC candidates in question were in the queue or duly submitted their papers as argued by the Zimbabwe Elections Authority then the case must be reviewed and at the least be overturned.

Legalizing elections into pyrrhic victories – the pitfalls of the Bulawayo High Court judgement

With all due respect, the High Court judgement missed an important opportunity to defend democracy, peace and maintaining the credibility of the 23 August 2023 by not considering at least three things: (i) the highly competitive and charged context in which the 2023 Zimbabwe elections are happening, (ii) the practical political issues as well as the (iii) peace dividend Zimbabwe enjoys at the moment.

Ignoring the Zimbabwe elections context

The importance of the upcoming election on 23 August 2023 cannot be overemphasized. Zimbabwe’s elections are highly competitive and the fact that they are harmonised and happen once every five years is an important that cannot be brushed aside. Citizens need to exercise their right to choose their representatives at the local, legislative, and presidential levels without prejudice.  For this simple reason, the people of Zimbabwe cannot be prejudiced of their important right to vote because for example in this case a misguided plea to the court seeking a pyrrhic technical victory by a ZANU PF supporter was made to the Hight Court followed by an equally insensitive judgement which did not consider the context of the once in five years electoral process.

Legalism without political praxis – the fate of the Bulawayo High Court judgement

Elections need tolerance and political maturity from contestants. This High Court judgement has exhibited the complete opposite. While the rules of the elections process must be followed, the politics of the game must also be respected. There is no point in both parties garnering to win elections through backhand tactics. To ensure legitimacy, ZANU PF and the CCC would be well advised to let go of these elections petitions especially this one that concerns the lateness of the Nominations submissions. It is a process devoid of praxis and lacks political maturity all in the name of seeking pyrrhic victories.

A judgement excoriating the peace earned post the 21 November coup.

While the High Court judgement could be deemed final by the ZANU PF supporters who are already celebrating the victory of their candidates, this could spell doom for the country. It is not anyone’s intention to spell doom for the country and threaten the peace Zimbabwe currently enjoys. However, anyone in their right mind should be sensitive to the fact that the peace that Zimbabwe enjoys especially after Mugabe’s deposition remains fragile and needs constant nurturing.

Frustrating the hordes of young people that form the bulk of the voters in the country who are already perplexed by the poor economic situation in the country is political arrogance of the highest order and serves to disenfranchise voters. There is a huge risk that the High Court judgement could serve as incitement fodder for chaos on the streets for those supporters who were expecting to vote for their candidates but suddenly will not enjoy that opportunity because of a peace threatening procedural petition over the issue of a time limit. 

Legalism creates order ONLY when served to  politically mature politicians.

The High Court Judgement while a constitutional right of the ZANU PF supporters who petitioned the court stands misguided in this instance. The High Court could have interrogated the issues at hand more liberally and issued an objective judgement barring strict interpretations of the law. As much as elections are about adhering to the legal niceties, they are also equally political. Proceeding to the upcoming election based on legalisms purporting to grant political parties such pyrrhic victories is dangerous for the prevailing peace in the country and the practice of politics and democracy in Zimbabwe. Technical victories cause illegitimacy and ferment discontent. Both the CCC and ZANU PF would be better advised to contest the election in a fair manner following the rules of the game but also taking note of the responsibilities they hold for Zimbabwe’s citizens. The judiciary needs to be mindful that it cannot adjudicate this election or any other as if it operates in a political vacuum. ZANU PF needs to guard its almost secured and certain victory without trying to cajole the Matabeleland voter to support them by hook or crook.

“That is not it!”, the famous lady declared AND  … Zimbabwe does not want to repeat this after the 23 August election or call upon “MUGABE” to carry out DNA tests to verify the legitimacy of the election.

Amnesty for rape convicts – arrogance or ignorance on the part of those that lead?

The question that concerns most Zimbabweans about this matter of the release of convicted rapists under the amnesty provision is moral, legalistic, and political.

Hiding behind the law – but whose law?

In terms of the law, it needs to be made clear to the citizens whether the subsidiary law that has been used by the President to provide this amnesty is not acting ultra vires the country’s supreme law. It could be so but this needs to be interrogated further.

The Government of Zimbabwe has a duty to protect its citizens that is enshrined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe. This means the Government must take active steps to ensure that its citizens, especially the most vulnerable are protected.

The Government also has a duty to respect its citizens rights to human rights. This means that the Government must desist from taking actions that endanger the enjoyment of the rights of its citizens. What message is the Government sending when it releases such people into communities without conducting public consultations on such a critical public policy issue? Is it arrogance or ignorance on their part?

The Government must be taken to task and be able to explain the following:

• How will they monitor such past offenders when released back into the communities?
• Have there been reorientation trainings for the offenders?
• Is the public policing system strong enough to protect citizens etc.?

It is not enough for the Government to say that this move is ensconced in the law especially if the said law is an obnoxious subsidiary piece of legislation that is or potentially offensive to the Constitution.

Those who can review or appeal this move can do so and enlighten us.

Beyond politics and power, leaders need a conscience

On moral grounds, the amnesty could be deemed insensitive to the victims and survivors of the violent and callous crime of rape and sexual abuse by men on women and young girls no matter the age of the male perpetrator.

It cannot be enough for anyone to justify sending such criminals home because of their age. At the age of sixty, most of the men are still very capable of recommitting the same offences especially when they are left with vulnerable people such as young girls, disabled women, and even young males.

Public policy is what a government chooses to do – in this case releasing convicted rapists

Politically, the Government could have been more sensitive and consulted further before giving such an amnesty. This move could have been an own goal for the government when it comes to the protection of women’s rights.

Elections are around the corner – with the way the released offenders seem to be so excitable and excited about being released from prison, does this does not send the wrong message that the Government is letting them out at a time when the country could be dealing with a rather sensitive national process that questions other critical issues such as national security.

If the Government is concerned about superfluous public policy issues linked to prions and correctional services management for example overcrowded prisons, lack of resources to manage prisons and prisoners then they could have selected other types of offenders who are not those who have committed crimes of a sexual nature.

Anyway, the verdict is out – Zimbabwe is a land of milk and honey – and even the son of man is HUCHI!

Those who can enlighten us – please do!

Ubuntu will require that Tynwald High School and Zimbabwe looks at the Nyanga Bus disaster differently

It is getting to three weeks since the tragic Tynwald High School bus crash in Nyanga on 14 October 2022. There were six fatalities and scores more of students and their accompanying teachers remain in hospitals and some are recovering from their homes. I understand, this is not an easy issue but feel that it needs to be discussed further for several reasons. For starters, there are different stakeholders in the form of the learners, the parents, the school staff and the school management/owners and the Government of Zimbabwe who all need to play a role and also have needs to be addressed. I would like to propose a recovery plan for Tynwald High School in connection with the Nyanga Bus Disaster.

Antagonism or sincere engagement?

I am aware that some will ask why I am not getting in touch directly with the school administration, going to the Government or approaching the affected parents directly and in private. This is one way to look at things and it is good. However, I also think that a more public way of engaging this issue will lead to a more robust discussion about the Tynwald High School accident as well as suggest a national solution to the problem of leaners safety and welfare when attending school trips in Zimbabwe. Thus, I opt for this method. 

What is the way forward?

My proposal is for the Tynwald High School administration and the owners to produce a long-term plan/strategy ( 1 – 2 years or more) on how to manage issues related to the bus disaster. This has to be in a well-documented paper which spells out issues to do with the following:

• Justice for those who died and the injured.
• Memorialization of the bus disaster.
• Rehabilitation for the accident victims, survivors, parents, and school administration.
• Ensure a truth process.
• Have an acknowledgement process on what happened.
• Discussions around compensation of victims and survivors

The school through the Trust that owns and administers it, must either do this on their own, hire consultants or seek help from professionals who have dealt with such matters before.

An elaboration of the issues

The need for Justice: The justice system in Zimbabwe demands this. Without wanting to point fingers or exercise a witch hunting process, there must be a comprehensive investigation which will ensure culpability and punishment if there was any wrongdoing which would amount to criminality or civil wrongs.

These are matters for the courts and the police but must be discussed. They would seem like mundane questions, but there is need for simple information. Was the driver authorized/licensed to drive the bus. Who gave him instructions/authority to proceed to Nyanga after the 18:00HRS cut off time set by the government. Is it a crime, that he did this? If he cannot be held responsible, then who can be held indirectly responsible. There must be accountability, and someone needs to answer to these questions in a clear and concise manner.

The need for the truth: This point is linked to the one above. There is need for the truth to be told, documented, and be brought out into the public domain. What happened, who was responsible for what, how did the learners succumb to their deaths, how were they injured, how were they sitting in the bus, what was the response given by the school, the medical facilities etc. Investigations by the police will be able to bring out this information possibly but the school needs to have its own investigations and have a formal report commissioned and launched.

The need for acknowledgement:  I am aware that the school Head and the administration  was at the scene of the accident within hours. He reportedly played a key role in the funerals conducted for the deceased learners and the school has been there for the parents. While commendable, this cannot be enough. There will be need for the school to officially acknowledge any wrongdoings if any will be found. The acts of kindness are most welcome and noted. However, for whatever information remains unclear, the school authorities need to ensure that a proper process addressing the parents and students will have to be conducted. Such a process can only be successful if there is accountability and proper investigations.

Rehabilitation of survivors:  This is more urgent than some of the processes mentioned above. There is need to recognize who the survivors are: (a) It will be all those who were in the bus and survived but are now maimed, remain in hospital and those that are recovering at their homes; (b) it will be the teachers, staff and students at the school; (c) it will be the parents/families of the deceased specifically;  and (d) It will be the rest of the parents with children attending the school.

The rehabilitation of all these stakeholders will require a comprehensive program needing specialist services in psychotherapy and medical services for those who were injured. These processes require good management and requires funds which will need to be raised/provided by the school.

A comprehensive psychotherapy/mental health/PTSD program is needed at the school. A mapping of these survivors through a registration process will be necessary and need to be initiated. Resident psychotherapists in this instance will need to be engaged by the school at least for the whole of next year.

Experts in this field, engaged by the school can then produce clear programs/activities on how they want to deal with learners; those injured  and the families of the deceased. Of course, there must be consent sought especially if these experts will have to deal with survivors in their homes. Though, the school must be able to deal with the trauma for students and staff at the school as a matter of urgency and it is their responsibility.

Medical rehab: The school might want to engage the parents of the learners who remain in hospital or those are recuperating from home if there are any special needs for them. The same goes for the staff members. Medical care does not come cheap in Zimbabwe. Some parents or even staff members would not have been prepared for this, thus the need to check in with them and create a register is essential. Where there are shortfalls or challenges in securing medical assistance, this issue must be dealt with.

A question that then comes up is that some schools charge medical aid fees for the students, and it is high time to understand what this medical fund is for and whether it can be useful in such instances.

Memorialization of the bus disaster: This is a controversial one and more consultations will be needed by concerned stakeholders. After disasters, governments and even families produce memorials to remember their loved and lost ones.  We have the Heroes Acre in Zimbabwe; the Americans have the September 11 memorial and Museum and so many other examples can be given.

I would propose a plaque, a garden, a water feature with the names of the children that were lost in the disaster. This would serve as a permanent reminder of the loss to the school and that the school will forever remember these leaners. However, some might argue that there is need to move on, and the best way to do that is not to have such permanent features. This is all for the school and is stakeholders to decide. Mine is a suggestion.

Other examples of memorizations can  include naming certain days, rooms at the school and even events after the leaners who perished. This is all up to the school to decide.

More important for me, is the idea of ensuring that the school every year takes time in an event to remember the tragic day by having a memorial service, or a remembrance event. This is important to preserve the memory and it must be done.

Restitution/Compensation of survivors and victims: The law is not clear or comprehensive enough to deal with issues of compensation when children are lost to negligence, accidents etc. This I will leave to the State and the law to decide.

For the school administration, however, i have a different proposal.

There might be need to produce a way to compensate or at least be seen to be aiding those parents or leaners who will be burdened by severe cases of injuries. Although parents sign indemnity forms as well as must have their own forms of welfare in the event of accidents, the school can be compassionate enough to ensure that for those parents/guardians who will be left with huge hospital bills, there might be need to assist them with such cash/money to clear the bills. The school can even go further to come up with school fees waivers so that the affected learners and their parents/guardians are not burdened on both ends.

Conclusion:

I acknowledge that no form of criminal or civil justice, memorization, rehabilitation, acknowledgement, truth telling, truth seeking, compensation strategy or action can restitute the leaners who perished in the Nyanga Bus Disaster. However, Tynwald High School needs to step up on this one and do things differently. To argue that this was an act of God, to want to defer to parents/guardians on the payment of hospital bills or even try to hide behind Government laws etc., will not cut it. For the sake of the school, for the sake of the survivors, for the sake of learners still at the school, the parents as well as the whole country, Tynwald can produce a clear, costed and financed program that deals with this problem and give direction to the whole country.

The school does not need to be shy about this one. We are Zimbabweans, we can come together as citizens, the corporate sector, Government, different specialists such as psychotherapists, medical doctors, physiotherapists, education financiers medical aid societies, religious leaders, and educationist to produce a program that will help this school.

Without wanting to sound pessimistic, today it might be Tynwald, but tomorrow it might your school. Therefore, the need for finding a solution is essential.

Maybe MUGABE WAS RIGHT ABOUT PROFESSOR MADHUKU AFTER ALL

In the last two months, Professor Lovemore Madhuku, the President of the National Constitutional Assembly, and law lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe has appeared on two Zimbabwean social media channels, the HSTV and another calling itself the Citizens Voice Network to discuss the achievements of the opaque political body that is the Political Actors Dialogue (POLAD). It is mostly political hot air! While commenting on the POLAD, Professor Lovemore Madhuku strayed into the current debate around the arrest and perpetual incarceration on remand of Citizens Coalition for Change Deputy Chairperson, Job Sikhala, his fellow CCC MP Godfrey Sithole and other CCC activists (The Nyatsime 13) who were arrested on 14 June this year. This was in connection with the disappearance and then reported murder of CCC activist Moreblessing Ali in May this year. His comments have been rather incoherent, outright condescending to the intelligence of Zimbabweans, seemingly sycophantic and deliberately spiteful to the CCC leadership in a childish way for someone of his stature. This is what makes one hold the opinion that the old geezer Robert Mugabe might have been right after all about the erratic behavior of Professor Lovemore Madhuku.

Madhuku wants people to believe that the CCC wants to upstage the judiciary in Zimbabwe

In the interview with the HSTV, Professor Madhuku made comments that seemed to directly accuse the CCC leadership of attempting to uproot or destroy Zimbabwe’s legal system for the comments they made after Moreblessing Ali disappeared only to be found dead and decomposed in a shallow water source. The suspected murder, the impending investigation as well as the ensuing judicial process which has led to the incarceration of the Job Sikhala and others has been controversial as much as it has been intriguing. The sentiments shared by Professor Madhuku while they could be taken at law to be factual are sensationalist, untrue and exhibit a sense of incitement of the state against the CCC.

A sycophant politician hiding behind the straws of legal arguments

At a political level, Madhuku wants to present an alternative view that he is a sober opposition leader unfortunately operating in a toxic and divided political system. However, there is need to understand that Madhuku in his interviews is not necessarily talking to the perceived audience but sending a message to the elites in ZANU PF. Those are the people he is targeting, and he knows with certainty that the message will be delivered. He knows very well that this kind of talk will curry favors for him and get him closer to the system in the process earning a good spot to benefit from the largesse that the Government dishes out here and there. For instance, he is a beneficiary of the POLAD trinkets although he wants to downplay the issue of the car that he has received. Of course, it is just a vehicle but for a political minion this is something to value. He has also had an opportunity to sit in a very lucrative commission of enquiry.

Shameless spite and condescension to Madhuku’s former law students

Madhuku, rather than commenting on an important legal matter has found an opportunity and a free platform to be oovertly spiteful and contemptuous to a cohort of his former students who form the leadership of the CCC. Madhuku wants to remain the class teacher but forgets that his former students are now his peers and seem to be doing better than him in the legal profession and in politics. This position seems to rile him.

There is a method to what he is doing.  Madhuku knows the levels of gullibility in the country especially when the so called ‘learned colleagues’ weigh in on important legal and political matters in public fora. He is also very aware of how the ruling elites can then turn this kind of commentary into propaganda used to vilify the opposition and justify the harassment of the CCC leadership by the state security apparatus and politicians. He is well aware that such opinions have the power to influence influence court decisions pertaining to the incarcerated Sikhala and Ors. As much as he wants to accuse the CCC leadership of commenting on a matter that is before the courts, he can also be fingered for doing the same. He is a political leader, an academic, a lawyer and someone well known in Zimbabwe.

Committing crimes in the name of the party and pleading otherwise

From a legal perspective, the point made by Professor Madhuku that when crimes are committed, they must be apportioned to an individual who has committed the crime rather than an institution such as in the Moreblessing Ali case is valid. However, it would be grossly incorrect and misleading of the Madhuku to want to argue that ZANU PF or any other political party for that matter as an institution cannot be questioned or held accountable if found necessary and when all facts have been presented to the court. Indeed, it would be a difficult feat in Zimbabwe’s court processes but one that can be pursued.

Political parties do not operate in a vacuum, they are made up of people

ZANU PF or any political party in Zimbabwe for that matter do not operate in a vacuum. The party does not exist devoid of its members who are legal persons before the law. In the Moreblessing Ali case, an alleged ZANU PF member was accused of reportedly having kidnapped/abducted the CCC member who died and is the central perpetrator in this matter. The matter was presented to the police. The public is not privy to the details of the investigation, but the fact of the matter is that through rigorous efforts the dead body of the CCC member was found in a shallow water source at the accused’s homestead. Arguments can be made about how the body ended up in the shallow well and the accused could argue that it could have been the same CCC members that dumped the corpse to spite him or his party, ZANU PF.

Another argument was made though that the reported ZANU PF member who was well known to the deceased had been involved in a love relationship with her. On the day of the alleged disappearance or kidnapping the same accused is alleged to have had a raucous argument with the deceased and it could have led to her unfortunate demise. Thus, one would think that when the CCC members made statements about the accused and his affiliation to ZANU PF, there was nothing wrong as this was merely giving a profile of the accused to the police.

It is difficult to comprehend how any state security institution can cry foul that they were undermined in this instance when the information in the public domain point to a determined CITIZENS search which ended up unearthing the disappeared CCC member. The Professor must not try to undermine the CITIZENS intelligence by spewing unnecessary verbose jargon that is empty of common sense.

Madhuku wants to mislead CITIZENS that the Judiciary is under siege

The Professor accuses the CCC members of undermining the judiciary by their utterances. In a charged case like this one, the judiciary as an independent is called upon to show its temerity and strength by blocking its EARS from all biased noises and be able to pass fair judgements. In this instance, the Professor can also be accused of trying to incite the judiciary against the CCC members who are currently incarcerated. He is the one who could be accused of trying to undermine the judiciary. In any case, in a democracy why would citizens be arrested for questioning the law or judgements passed by the judiciary?

Individuals who act in the name of the party are still criminals and their party must also be called to account

Going back to ZANU PF as an institution and its liability, one would want to remind the learned Professor, that the state has obligations to respect, promote, protect, and fulfill the human rights of its citizens as enshrined in Zimbabwe’s Constitution. State institutions therefore have obligations to defend the rights of its citizens by ensuring that even private individuals committing crimes on their own frolic or using the name of the party afterwards to defend themselves must be held accountable.

The public is not clear on what transpired when the alleged  murder happened. However, what is clear is that the polarised political scenery in Zimbabwe has now pitted the two rival political parties against each other at the local level in Nyatsime and at the national level in the judiciary, with the police and at a political party level. The state which is led by a ZANU PF majority must still be able to not only show but in reality, act to deal with the security matters or lack thereof brought before it by citizens through the police.

Such situations have happened before – private citizens using the names of powerful people and political parties to commit crimes?

After the 2008 electoral violence, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights making findings on Zimbabwe noted that the political situation that prevailed at the time had been politically charged with private citizens using the name of the ruling political party to advance their own actions as well as the State’s agenda which in that case was to retain power at all costs. The body urged the state to restrain citizens from using the state and ZANU PF’s name in acts of violence. The same can still be argued in the Moreblessing Ali matter.

In the same case that we are faced with, it would be important to understand what actions have been taken by the executive arm of the state to improve security, prevent inter party violence and ensure such cases never arise.

Freedom of speech must not lead to a freedom to mislead CITIZENS

That ZANU PF as a political party cannot be held accountable or be dragged to court is neither here nor there as Professor Madhuku would want CITIZENS to believe. Madhuku is clutching at straws, and he knows that to deal with the political crisis in Zimbabwe, some of the issues that have been put on the table for a long time include the depoliticization of state security institutions. Madhuku wants to pretend not to know what transpired. Information is galore in the media about the report to the police, the frustration with the process that sought to investigate the matter as well as all the reported bungling. The Professor wants to present a scenario where he feigns knowledge of how Job Sikhala has been arrested on trumped up charges. The Professor seeks to present steroid laden nonsense on stilts as legal facts. This is unacceptable.

People do not necessarily hold brief for the CCC or just randomly hate ZANU PF. All the people are asking for is a violence free country, with a police force that can deal with and investigate such cases as the Moreblessing Ali one. In his two interviews and his continued spitting of venom clothed as legal analysis Professor Madhuku has done a bad job at trying to explain a legal rule by being spiteful and condescend to fellow lawyers and opposition leaders. If anything, his advice that the opposition should respect the judiciary could have served to do the reverse by inciting the judiciary to think that it is under attack by the CCC leadership and its membership over the Job Sikhala continued incarceration.

Maybe, Mugabe was right about this Professor Lovemore Madhuku, after all: – a spiteful, condescending and unprincipled person.

The Rise of the UNDERTAKER – Robert Mugabe Jnr. strays onto the Zimbabwe/ZANU PF political stage

On 23 March 2022 in Chitungwiza, Robert Tinotenda Mugabe Jnr. (The UNDERTAKER), Mugabe’s 30 year old son attended a ZANU PF rally which was being addressed by President Emerson Mnangagwa. After the unceremonious coup that deposed President Robert Mugabe in November 2017 it was always going to be interesting to see how the remaining Mugabe family would react to ZANU PF and President Mnangagwa specifically. There are several possibilities as to why Robert Jnr. has now “come out” and stepped onto the scene. His effect in ZANU PF and what it might mean for Zimbabwe politics in next year’s General Elections as well as in the next 10 years will be interesting to watch.

Robert Mugabe Jnr. – The father’s heir

Zimbabwe is a patriarchal society, more so for Mugabe, he would have wanted to have his son as his heir, leave alone, the whole argument about Bona, his first daughter. Bona became an option because Robert Jnr, had been disappointing to his father because he kept failing in school to the point Mugabe started referring to him as the UNDERTAKER after he scored a string of Us in his exams.

In a recent interview, the boy talks about how his father on his deathbed kept telling him that he needed to look after his mother, brother, and sister. So now, Robert Mugabe Jnr, is just trying to fulfill his father’s wishes.

The urgent need to defend the family’s wealth and father’s legacy

Robert Mugabe Jnr’s is thirty years old. He is now old enough! At the risk of sounding patriarchal and sexist he is the “man” in the Mugabe house. That he must carry the burden of looking after his family’s wealth is not in doubt. The family and society in general expects him to do that. It is not going to be easy but the alleged nine farms in Zimbabwe and other business establishments, the reported hotels in Dubai, apartments in Singapore, South Africa and Malaysia need to be protected and he is the right man for the job. A MUGABE must do it, and naturally he is the MAN for the job.

What does his stepping onto the scene mean politically for Zimbabwe?

a) ZANU PF is looking for someone to boost its image in Mugabe’s stronghold of Mash West

With almost all of Mugabe’s nephews and close relatives in self-imposed exile and the ones left behind such as Philip Chiyangwa and Ignatius Chombo not really capable of rising to the occasion, what is left is to reincarnate Mugabe in some way. The only way to do so is to bring back his son: Robert Jnr. For all his shortcomings, the boy attended Kutama Mission and he is a Gushungo. Those traits can appeal to the masses in Zvimba and the same sentiments could as well be true for Mashonaland West. The coup did not go down well with Mugabe’s supporters and having Robert Mugabe Jnr. in the fray is one way to appease the Zvimba people and Mash West.

The talk about having him stand as an MP in Zvimba in 2023 is not a gimmick. The people will vote for him as an MP, and this will also translate into votes for ED thus securing the President’s bid for the next five years.

b) It was never going to be Mugabe’s nephews – vana veva kuwasha vaya

In Zimbabwe’s highly patriarchal society it is the children from the main – man that are considered to be rightful heirs. That Mugabe’s sisters sired children and gave them their maiden surname – Mugabe and then the same boys went on to behave like Mugabe’s children was never fully embraced in Zimbabwe. With the notorious nephews having been hounded from the country or self-exiled and for those who are still in the country struggling economically, this shows that their perceived borrowed robes were only going to glow and glitter if they had Uncle Bob in power.

That ZANU PF and Mnangagwa have embraced Robert Mugabe Jnr, with open arms shows that this is the man they were waiting for, and they are satisfied that the Real Mugabe is now there to succeed his father. It gives ZANU PF a good excuse to sideline Mugabe’s nephews deeply entrenched in the G40 – Lacoste factionalism in ZANU PF.

c) Robert Mugabe Jnr, is the ordinary boy who appeals to young people in Zimbabwe

Robert Mugabe Jnr. after flirting with the elite Catholic schools of St Michaels and Hartman House was taken to Kutama Mission, old Robert’s alma mater. Although the boy was said to have lived in splendor and grandeur at Kutama, there was a method to Mugabe’s choice for his son’s Mission school. Old Robert wanted his son and heir apparent to be grounded in the “people and one way was to send him to a school he had previously attended.

Like any other normal child, I guess. Robert Jnr. is a true Zimbabwean in a sense.

•  The boy played basketball up to national team level.
• The boy does not have an accent and he does not speak through the “nose” like most of the rich kids in town and children from fake middle class families
• He went to an ordinary mission school just like the child next door. He knows all the shenanigans of mission life – ironing bread to get toast, breaking into pantries and all.

The boy mentions that he is now an architect after studying in Singapore. From a boy who was called an Undertaker for dismal performance in high school to achieving an architect’s qualification in tertiary education, this is a high achievement for the boy. How would the boy not be able to appeal to your own child who just turned eighteen when voting time comes in 2023?

d) Robert Mugabe Jnr. breathes and speaks ZANU PF lingo as well as ideology

When Robert Jnr. talks about life in Zimbabwe and abroad where he has spent most of his time, he speaks the ZANU PF lingo and this makes him appealing to so may sections of the Zimbabwean populace. For instance, Robert Mugabe Jnr. on several occasions has mentioned that he works at his family’s farm, and he is also into mining like his stepbrother, Russel Goreraza.

This kind of talk blends well and fits into the ZANU PF mantra that the Economy is the Land, and the Land is the Economy and Mnangagwa’s Make Money Make Money utterances at public rallies. On that note Robert Jnr. easily becomes an ambassador for young farmers and entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe. He just needs to be given more airplay and there ZANU PF and ED would have created media content to campaign in 2023 with young people.

There is a method to ED’s rantings “Make Money Make Money” when he addresses young people. It resonates very well with young people in Zimbabwe who are tired of unemployment, and poverty. Robert Mugabe Jnr. will be able to bridge this gap between ED and young voters come 2023. Young people such as Robert Mugabe Jnr. are portrayed as making money from farming and mining. Who would not want to join such a crusade?

e) Robert Mugabe Jnr, offers a buffer and alternative for ED to Mnangagwa

One of the most crucial factors that ED and ZANU PF might not be having issues with the fact that Robert Mugabe Jnr. has come into ZANU PF politics is that he offers an underplayed role of offering an alternative to Vice President’s Chiwenga’s ascendancy to the presidency in 2028. The reported factionalism and animosity between the President and VP should not be downplayed.

The argument that ED would want to spite the VP by bringing this boy into the fray cannot be discounted. ED was and has always been old Mugabe’s blue-eyed boy. That ED and Mugabe had differences was only because the old geezer would not pave way for him. Paying his old boss back by playing dynastical politics and pushing for Mugabe’s son to the Presidency is a possibility.

f) Robert Mugabe Jnr. offers Grace Mugabe, the G40 faction and ZANU PF a chance  to regroup

After the coup in 2017, several ZANU PF members who were close to Robert Mugabe and Grace Mugabe were hounded out of the country or self-exiled themselves. The list is endless, but the key people include Savior Kasukuwere, Augustine Chihuri, the Mugabe nephews, and other stalwarts such as Mandiitawepi Chimene and Professor Jonathan Moyo. The G40 faction and Grace Mugabe especially could be seeing an opportunity to close ranks with ED and the main ZANU PF party because they cannot continue to be persecuted when Robert Mugabe Jnr. who is one of them is now in the picture? Robert Mugabe Jnr.’s fray into ZANU PF could see the G40 faction being allowed back into ZANU PF and the two factions closing rank and supporting each other in 2023. The G40 needs a political home, and they need ZANU PF for their own survival. Vice versa, ZANU PF needs the numbers that are being held back by the G40. Robert Mugabe Jnr., offers this platform and opportunity.

Robert Mugabe Jnr.: Whose political child shall he be anyway -ZANU PF, ED, G 40 & or Grace Mugabe?

The Robert Tinotenda Mugabe Jnr., Zimbabwe knows is the boy who used to pop champagne and live lavishly in Sandton City, South Africa. Zimbabwe knows the boy who was arrested for the use of drugs in Dubai. Zimbabweans know this boy whose girlfriend was whipped by his mother using an electric cord leading to her self-imposed banishment from SA. The same Zimbabweans know this boy as someone who would stomp on cars while drunk in a parking lot and do all sorts of shenanigans. All signs of privilege, grandeur and pompousness brought about by power.

However, post the 2017 coup, post Robert Mugabe’s death, ZANU PF has now unveiled its own version of Robert Tinotenda Mugabe Jnr. There is a method to the social media interviews, to the attendance at party rallies and the TV shows etc.

Zimbabwe is now being shown this boy. The cute by with the deep voice. The boy who speaks fondly of his father who he bathed even in his last days. The boy who used to call Robert Mugabe “daddy.” The boy who speaks fondly of his mother – the erratic Grace Mugabe, his stepbrother, sister and Chatunga. The boy who speaks of wanting to bring the knowledge he got from Singapore, Dubai, and Malaysia  to develop Zimbabwe. Th boy who says he only and has lived “ZANU PF” all his life.

Robert Tatenda Mugabe Jnr. is the man to watch in ZANU PF. He will be there in Zimbabweans” faces in 2023. More importantly, in 2033, he will be the Presidential candidate for ZANU PF! My take.

The 26 March by elections – a fallacy that this is a contest between ZANU PF and Chamisa

This week on three different occasions I bumped into three people I know. After exchanging pleasantries, they all seemed to want to know if I was a registered voter and if I was going to be voting in the 26 March by elections. The interest was quite pronounced.  In one sense you would want to think that people were concerned about the affairs of the state, and they were just carrying out ordinary citizens duties to urge fellow countrymen to go and vote come 26 March. However, in another sense i got a sense that people were getting ahead of themselves and exuding a misguided notion that they can lecture others about politics in Zimbabwe, who to vote for and how to go about it. The three encounters got me asking questions – why the interest; why people are behaving as If this is a national general election and how do you know if my constituency has a by election. My responses were quite measured although I was getting a bit ticked from the conversations for the obvious reason I did not and still cannot see what the fuss is about with these by elections.

I am not in any way saying that these by elections are not important. As a democratic process and as provided by Zimbabwe’s laws it is a must that these by elections be held, as it should have been done donkey months ago. However, it must be clear that while the new CCC outfit will compete in these by elections, the opposition led by Nelson Chamisa cannot behave as if they were not a big player and party to this whole circus. It was the disorder, the recklessness and disregard for internal party democracy following Morgan Tsvangirai’s death that led to all these splits that have seen people like Mwonzora instituting the Recall process on the MPs and local government officials. Thus, the by election cannot in all honesty be labelled a competition between the CCC and ZANU PF. The opposition then called the MDC Alliance or MDCT or whatever brought this upon itself.

The second argument that people seem to be excited about is the fallacy that ZANU PF was afraid of going to any form of election after 2018. This cannot be true. ZANU PF whether stolen or not had a majority in Parliament in 2018 and will still have after these by elections. The constituencies which are now being contested have always been under the opposition and thus if anything they are for the opposition to reclaim not for ZANU PF to lose. ZANU PF would of course want to take part in the elections and try to possibly win a seat or two in addition to winning back the seats they lost due to death or other reasons their MPs and councilors had lost the seats. The election will come, the opposition under the CCC will need to show its strength by reclaiming the seats it had and this can only be called Restoration of the old order not that it is a new situation.

There is another argument that ZANU PF had taken advantage of the Covid 19 situation and bought Mwonzora and Khupe to stifle the opposition. While this might be true, there is no denying that at first it was going to be foolish for any head of government to push the elections agenda without taking note of the need to secure peoples’ lives from Covid 19. At some point, however, neighboring countries started conducting elections and ZANU PF continued to dig in using all sorts of ludicrous and unbearable excuses. This was mere politicking, even Trump tried to use the same arguments and he was defeated in the end. If the MDC Alliance had conducted themselves with order, due regard for democracy and within the confines of their constitution, they would not have had found themselves in a situation where ZANU PF would abuse them like this. There would not have been any need for these by elections except for those caused by death.

The excitement that makes people feel that they must ask each person they meet whether they are registered voters and if they will vote while important is equally misplaced.  People are feeling that any victory by the opposition in these by elections will be a victory against ZANU PF. That cannot be true! For me, this election is a mere restorative process by the opposition trying to right the wrongs it committed in – house. That there are economic woes in the country is equally understood but people also need to be very honest and note that the election of these MPs and councilors will not suddenly bring any earth shuttering change. What we are most likely to see is a cadre who will start clamoring for their cars, loans, and all before they even look at the legislative agenda when they go back to Parliament and councils. People should and they must go and vote if the by elections are in their respective constituencies, but the supposedly enlightened ones must not put us into unnecessary pressure where we are made to believe that this is an election pitting the CCC against ZANU PF. The opposition CCC is fighting to restore what it lost out of its own miscalculations. 2023 is coming and that is when the real battle will be.

Chamisa v Mnangagwa: Between the PITH and the FULCRUM lies the need for primary evidence.

Tendai Chabvuta

The Zimbabwe Constitutional Court did it’s “rachet” or “immaculate” job depending on who you are talking to. What is clear though is that Emmerson Mnangagwa is now the duly elected President of Zimbabwe. A few points to digest and questions to ponder over the constitutional court case as we move forward especially with regards how the applicant’s case was handled and presented on that fateful Wednesday morning.

Were the teachers going to vote Chamisa anyway?

Firstly, there was an issue of the 40 000 teachers who were reportedly disenfranchised by being posted on duty to polling stations far away from their registered polling stations. Clearly, there is an issue here because of the polling station based system and the close contest that was the Presidential elections, those votes could have swayed the vote in any one of the candidates’ favor. Moreover, in a country as poor as Zimbabwe where the…

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